Climate change, human health, and resilience in the Holocene.

Climate change is an indisputable threat to human health, especially for societies already confronted with rising social inequality, political and economic uncertainty, and a cascade of concurrent environmental challenges. Archaeological data about past climate and environment provide an important source of evidence about the potential challenges humans face and the long-term outcomes of alternative short-term adaptive strategies. Evidence from well-dated archaeological human skeletons and mummified remains speaks directly to patterns of human health over time through changing circumstances. Here, we describe variation in human epidemiological patterns in the context of past rapid climate change (RCC) events and other periods of past environmental change. Case studies confirm that human communities responded to environmental changes in diverse ways depending on historical, sociocultural, and biological contingencies. Certain factors, such as social inequality and disproportionate access to resources in large, complex societies may influence the probability of major sociopolitical disruptions and reorganizations-commonly known as "collapse." This survey of Holocene human-environmental relations demonstrates how flexibility, variation, and maintenance of Indigenous knowledge can be mitigating factors in the face of environmental challenges. Although contemporary climate change is more rapid and of greater magnitude than the RCC events and other environmental changes we discuss here, these lessons from the past provide clarity about potential priorities for equitable, sustainable development and the constraints of modernity we must address.

Twenty-first century bioarchaeology: Taking stock and moving forward.

This article presents outcomes from a Workshop entitled "Bioarchaeology: Taking Stock and Moving Forward," which was held at Arizona State University (ASU) on March 6-8, 2020. Funded by the National Science Foundation (NSF), the School of Human Evolution and Social Change (ASU), and the Center for Bioarchaeological Research (CBR, ASU), the Workshop's overall goal was to explore reasons why research proposals submitted by bioarchaeologists, both graduate students and established scholars, fared disproportionately poorly within recent NSF Anthropology Program competitions and to offer advice for increasing success. Therefore, this Workshop comprised 43 international scholars and four advanced graduate students with a history of successful grant acquisition, primarily from the United States. Ultimately, we focused on two related aims: (1) best practices for improving research designs and training and (2) evaluating topics of contemporary significance that reverberate through history and beyond as promising trajectories for bioarchaeological research. Among the former were contextual grounding, research question/hypothesis generation, statistical procedures appropriate for small samples and mixed qualitative/quantitative data, the salience of Bayesian methods, and training program content. Topical foci included ethics, social inequality, identity (including intersectionality), climate change, migration, violence, epidemic disease, adaptability/plasticity, the osteological paradox, and the developmental origins of health and disease. Given the profound changes required globally to address decolonization in the 21st century, this concern also entered many formal and informal discussions.

The character of conflict: A bioarchaeological study of violence in the Nasca highlands of Peru during the Late Intermediate Period (950-1450 C.E.).

OBJECTIVES: This study uses osteological and radiocarbon datasets combined with formal quantitative analyses to test hypotheses concerning the character of conflict in the Nasca highlands during the Late Intermediate Period (LIP, 950-1450 C.E.). We develop and test osteological expectations regarding what patterns should be observed if violence was characterized by intragroup violence, ritual conflict, intermittent raiding, or internecine warfare. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Crania (n = 267) were examined for antemortem and perimortem, overkill, and critical trauma. All age groups and both sexes are represented in the sample. One hundred twenty-four crania were AMS dated, allowing a detailed analysis of diachronic patterns in violence among various demographic groups. RESULTS: Thirty-eight percent (102/267) of crania exhibit some form of cranial trauma, a significant increase from the preceding Middle Horizon era. There are distinct trauma frequencies within the three subphases of the LIP, but Phase III (1300-1450 C.E.) exhibits the highest frequencies of all trauma types. Males exhibit significantly more antemortem trauma than females, but both exhibit similar perimortem trauma rates. DISCUSSION: There was chronic, internecine warfare throughout the Late Intermediate Period with important variations in violence throughout the three temporal phases. Evidence for heterogeneity in violent mortality shows a pattern consistent with social substitutability, whereby any and all members of the Nasca highland population were appropriate targets for lethal and sublethal violence. We argue that by testing hypotheses regarding the targets and types of conflict we are better able to explain the causes and consequences of human conflict.

Early specialized maritime and maize economies on the north coast of Peru.

We assess diet and economies of middle Holocene (∼7,500 to 4,000 calibrated [cal] B.P.) humans at coexisting mound sites (Huaca Prieta and Paredones) in north coastal Peru and document regular consumption of maize by ∼6,500 to 6,000 cal B.P. and its earliest use as a staple food in this area of the Andes between 5,000 and 4,500 cal B.P. Stable isotope data from enamel carbonates and dentin collagen (childhood diet) and dental microwear texture analysis (adult diet) demonstrate dietary and economic specialization. Previous studies revealed maize and mixed-food refuse at both sites, but this study documents actual food consumption, showing that these communities situated a few hundred meters apart had significantly distinct diets in childhood and adulthood. Huaca Prieta focused on marine resources, although there are some contributions from terrestrial meat. Paredones individuals primarily consumed maize during childhood (up to 70% of the juvenile diet), as shown by δ13C values, apatite-collagen spacing, and discriminant analysis of δ13Ccoll, δ13Ccarb, and δ15N values. Maize was likely used as a weaning food (e.g., gruel and/or chicha-a maize beverage), hinting at the significant role of breastfeeding mothers, weanling infants, and children in the development of maize as a staple crop. Additionally, dental microwear data show Paredones adult diets are high in abrasives, potentially from maize processing. The distinct foodways at these neighboring sites result from and also reflect their social and political distinctions. These differences in food production, distribution, and consumption generated opportunities for exchange, an interaction that bound them together in mutual benefit.

Advances in the molecular detection of tuberculosis in pre-contact Andean South America.

Andean paleopathological research has significantly enhanced knowledge about the geographical distribution and evolution of tuberculosis (TB) in pre-Columbian South America. In this paper, we review the history and progress of research on ancient tuberculosis (TB) in the Andean region, focusing on the strengths and limitations of current approaches for the molecular detection of ancient pathogens, with special attention to TB. As a case study, we describe a molecular screening approach for the detection of ancient Mycobacterium tuberculosis in individuals from Late Intermediate Period (1000-1400 CE) contexts at the site of Huari, Peru. We evaluate 34 commingled human vertebrae and combine morphological assessments of pathology with high throughput sequencing and a non-selective approach to ancient pathogen DNA screening. Our method enabled the simultaneous detection of ancient M. tuberculosis DNA and an evaluation of the environmental microbial composition of each sample. Our results show that despite the dominance of environmental DNA, molecular signatures of M. tuberculosis were identified in eight vertebrae, six of which had no observable skeletal pathology classically associated tuberculosis infection. This screening approach will assist in the identification of candidate samples for downstream genomic analyses. The method permits higher resolution disease identification in cases where pathology may be absent, or where the archaeological context may necessitate a broad differential diagnosis based on morphology alone.

Endemic violence in a pre-Hispanic Andean community: A bioarchaeological study of cranial trauma from the Majes Valley, Peru.

OBJECTIVES: This study examines violence-related cranial trauma frequencies and wound characteristics in the pre-Hispanic cemetery of Uraca in the lower Majes Valley, Arequipa, Peru, dating to the pre- and early-Wari periods (200-750 CE). Cranial wounds are compared between status and sex-based subgroups to understand how violence shaped, and was shaped by, these aspects of identity, and to reconstruct the social contexts of violence carried out by and against Uracans. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Presence, location, and characteristics (lethality, penetration, and post-traumatic sequelae) of antemortem and perimortem cranial fractures are documented for 145 crania and compared between subgroups. Cranial wounds are mapped in ArcGIS and the locational distribution of injuries is compared between male and female crania. RESULTS: Middle adult males were disproportionately interred at Uraca, particularly in the elite Sector I. The Uraca mortuary population presents the highest rate of cranial trauma reported for pre-Hispanic Peru: 67% of adults present trauma, and among those, 61.1% present more than one cranial injury. Males exhibit significantly more cranial trauma than females and present a higher mean number of injuries per person. Elite males show the highest mean number of injuries per person, more antemortem injuries, and are the only ones with perimortem cranial trauma, bladed injuries, penetrating injuries, and post-traumatic sequelae. Both sexes were most frequently injured on the anterior of the cranium, while the proportion of posterior injuries was higher for females. DISCUSSION: The rate, intensity, and locational patterns of cranial trauma suggests the community was engaged in raids and/or war with enemy groups, some of which may have increased physical violence between community members. Engaging in violence was likely a prerequisite for burial in the elite sector and was bound up with the generation and maintenance of social status differences linked to male social life.

Stable isotope analysis of a pre-Hispanic Andean community: Reconstructing pre-Wari and Wari era diets in the hinterland of the Wari empire, Peru.

OBJECTIVES: Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis is used to reconstruct diet among a pre-Hispanic population from the Peruvian Andes to evaluate whether local foodways changed with Wari imperial influence in the region. This study also compares local diet to other Wari-era sites. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Samples derive from the site of Beringa in Peru and correspond primarily to pre-Wari (200-600 CE) and Wari (600-1,000 CE). We examine stable carbon isotopes from enamel (n = 29) and bone apatite (n = 22), and stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes from bone collagen (n = 29), and we present stable carbon and nitrogen isotope data on archaeological and modern fauna (n = 37) and plants (n = 19) from the region. RESULTS: There were no significant differences in either δ13 C or δ15 N from the pre-Wari to Wari era, indicating that those measurable aspects of diet did not change with Wari influence. There were no sex-based differences among juveniles (as inferred from δ13 C from enamel carbonates) nor among adults (based on δ13 C and δ15 N from adult bone collagen). Comparisons to other Wari era sites show that Beringa individuals exhibited significantly lower δ13 C values, suggesting that they consumed significantly less maize, a socially valued food. Further, the Froehle et al. (2012) stable isotope model suggests that the majority of the Beringa individuals consumed more C3 than C4 plants, and dietary protein was derived primarily from terrestrial animals and some marine resources. CONCLUSIONS: The similar diets from pre-Wari to Wari times hint at strong local dietary traditions and durable food trade networks during the period of Wari imperial influence. The presence of limited marine foods in the diet suggests a trade network with coastal groups or sojourns to the coast to gather marine resources.

Investigating regional mobility in the southern hinterland of the Wari Empire: biogeochemistry at the site of Beringa, Peru.

Empires have transformed political, social, and environmental landscapes in the past and present. Although much research on archaeological empires focuses on large-scale imperial processes, we use biogeochemistry and bioarchaeology to investigate how imperialism may have reshaped regional political organization and regional migration patterns in the Wari Empire of the Andean Middle Horizon (ca. AD 600-1000). Radiogenic strontium isotope analysis of human remains from the site of Beringa in the Majes Valley of southern Peru identified the geographic origins of individuals impacted by the Wari Empire. At Beringa, the combined archaeological human enamel and bone values range from (87)Sr/(86)Sr = 0.70802 - 0.70960, with a mean (87)Sr/(86)Sr = 0.70842 ± 0.00027 (1σ, n = 52). These data are consistent with radiogenic strontium isotope data from the local fauna in the Majes Valley and imply that most individuals were local inhabitants, rather than migrants from the Wari heartland or some other locale. There were two outliers at Beringa, and these "non-local" individuals may have derived from other parts of the South Central Andes. This is consistent with our understanding of expansive trade networks and population movement in the Andean Middle Horizon, likely influenced by the policies of the Wari Empire. Although not a Wari colony, the incorporation of small sites like Beringa into the vast social and political networks of the Middle Horizon resulted in small numbers of migrants at Beringa.

Genetic continuity after the collapse of the Wari empire: mitochondrial DNA profiles from Wari and post-Wari populations in the ancient Andes.

The Wari empire flourished in the central, highland Peruvian Andes from AD 600-1000, and although the events that led to its demise are unknown, archaeological evidence indicates that Wari control waned at the end of the first millennium. Here, we test the hypothesis that, despite the major shift in social and political organization at the fall of the Wari empire, the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) composition of populations from the Ayacucho Basin, the former imperial heartland of the empire, remained essentially unchanged. Results show that mtDNA haplogroup frequencies among the Wari and post-Wari groups differ, but the difference is not statistically significant (chi2 = 5.886, df = 3, P = 0.1172). This is the first study in the Andes to use haplotypic data to evaluate the observed genetic distance between two temporally distinct prehispanic populations (F(ST) = 0.029) against modeled expectations of four possible evolutionary scenarios. None of these simulations allowed the rejection of continuity. In total, at both the haplogroup and haplotype levels these data do not allow us to reject the hypothesis that post-Wari individuals sampled in this study are the maternal descendants of those sampled from the Wari era site of Conchopata. However, genetic homogeneity in the mitochondrial gene pool, as seen in the late prehispanic southern Andes, may also characterize our study region. But, prior to this research, this was unknown. If our new data show mtDNA homogeneity, then this could limit the detection of female migration if, in fact, it occurred. Nonetheless, the novel mtDNA data presented here currently do not support the hypothesis that there was an influx of genetically distinct females into the former Wari heartland after the Wari collapse.

Dismembering bodies for display: a bioarchaeological study of trophy heads from the Wari site of Conchopata, Peru.

Human trophy heads from the Wari site of Conchopata (AD 600-1000) are examined to evaluate if recently deceased persons or old corpses were used to make trophy heads and determine if the modifications are standardized. Similarly styled trophy heads may suggest state oversight that ensured uniform modifications, while different styles may suggest that various factions or kin groups prepared them to their own specifications. Other studies often interpret trophy heads as either enemies or ancestors; so, this study addresses that debate by documenting aspects of their identity as revealed through demographic, paleopathological, and trauma data. Results show that "fresh" bodies, not old corpses, were used to make trophies, as evidenced by cutmarks indicating intentional removal of soft tissues. Trophy heads are remarkably standardized; 89% display a hole on the superior of the cranium, apparently a design feature that displays the trophy head upright and facing forward when suspended by a cord. Of the 31 trophy heads, 24 are adolescents/adults and 7 are children, and of the 17 sexed adults, 15 are male and 2 are female. This suggests that adult men and children were favored as trophies. Among 19 observable adult trophy heads, 42% exhibit cranial trauma, suggesting that violence was common among this group. Complementary data on Wari iconography shows warriors wearing trophy heads and Wari deities holding captives and trophy heads. Thus, it is likely that captives (or just their heads) were taken in battles and raids-either secular or ritual-and eventually transformed into trophy heads.

Trauma and violence in the Wari empire of the Peruvian Andes: warfare, raids, and ritual fights.

This study examines bioarchaeological evidence for violence during the period of Wari imperialism in the Peruvian Andes through analysis of skeletal trauma from three populations dating to AD 650-800. The samples are from contemporaneous archaeological sites: Conchopata, a Wari heartland site in central highland Peru; Beringa, a community of commoners in the Majes valley of the southern Wari hinterland; and La Real, a high status mortuary site, also in the Majes valley. Given the expansionist nature of Wari and its military-related iconography and weaponry, it is hypothesized that Wari imperialism was concomitant with greater levels of violence relative to other prehispanic groups in the Andes. It is also hypothesized that differential articulation with the Wari empire (e.g., heartland vs. hinterland groups) affected the frequency and patterning of trauma. Results show that cranial trauma frequency of the three Wari era samples is significantly greater than several other Andean skeletal populations. This suggests that Wari rule was associated with high levels of violence, though it may not have always been related to militarism. The three adult samples show similar frequencies of cranial trauma (Conchopata = 26%; Beringa = 33%; La Real = 31%). This may suggest that differential positioning in the Wari empire had little effect on exposure to violence. Sex-based differences in cranial trauma frequencies are present only at La Real, but wound patterning differs between the sexes: females display more wounds on the posterior of the cranium, while males show more on the anterior. These data suggest that Wari rule may have contributed to violence.

Biological structure and health implications from tooth size at Mission San Luis de Apalachee.

This study analyzes dental metric variation to examine the biological structure of the native population at Mission San Luis de Apalachee, a late 17th century mission located in the Apalachee Province of Spanish colonial Florida. Three topics are addressed: (1) comparison of tooth sizes among adult and subadults, (2) analysis of the bio-spatial structure of skeletons within the church area, and (3) comparison of phenotypic profiles of individuals interred within coffins in the ritual nucleus of the church: the altar region. Analyses indicate that subadults had smaller average tooth sizes than adults for the posterior dentition that was particularly evident in mandibular nonpolar molars and premolars. This disparity, also documented in two other mission populations, likely represents ontogenetic stress and resulting increased mortality among those most at risk for early death. Analysis of the spatial structure of graves failed to document biological structuring by side of the aisle or by burial row, although some gross differences were evident when front, middle, and rear church burials were compared. Individuals buried in coffins within the same row were phenotypically similar to one another. However, inter-row comparisons indicated lack of phenotypic similarity among all coffin interments. These analyses suggest maintenance of kin-structured burial for elites alone within the San Luis community.